Indigenous youth, gender and domestic violence in the Russian Sub-Arctic (by Anastasia Ulturgasheva)

By Anastasia Ulturgasheva
Icelandic Arctic Cooperation Network

Experiences of youth living in remote villages of northeast Siberia (Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) stand apart from the experiences of their peers living in urban areas as compared to relative stability of urban context life in northern villages is marked by low living standards, high unemployment rates, unreliable and even absent transport/air communication, fragile infrastructures and impoverished livelihoods. All of these factors make the rural youth experiences including experiences of young indigenous women quite distinct from the experiences of urban youth in Siberia. The geographic region where the remote northern villages are located is characterised by a vast territory of high mountain ranges, taiga and swampy tundra. This is the home of small minority peoples called the Eveny, Evenki, Yukaghir and Chukchi.  These peoples are endogenous to this region and are much older than the dominant Turkic-speaking Sakha who migrated to the region relatively recently and are mainly concentrated around central and urban areas of the Republic of Sakha. The number of small minority groups inside the Republic of Sakha amount to 38,030, out of this number 21,008 are Evenki; 15,071 are Eveny; 1,281 are Yukaghir and 670 are Chukchi, i.e. a small fraction of 970,000 total number of the entire population of the Republic. Though they have their own cultures these peoples are overshadowed politically and linguistically by the Sakha. The remoteness of the indigenous communities and all the aforementioned factors imply that there are limited opportunities for their youth to do well and overcome structural and economic challenges.

Several youth from remote Arctic villages reported that those who manage to leave their native villages for the university studies may not be able to see their families for a prolonged period of time and this can range from one year to more than several years due to high costs of transportation between the city of Yakutsk and home villages. They have to face financial hardship if they decide to see their families during university holidays or they experience emotional hardship longing for their families if they choose to stay in the city, pay for rent and not to miss out on university classes. While in the city indigenous youth become particularly vulnerable as they are often targeted for the ethnic Othering. The process of the Othering is something that their peers from other dominant ethnic groups do not experience, therefore, they never sympathise with the targeted youth. According to one Eveny undergraduate student of North-Eastern Federal University based in Yakutsk (who preferred to stay anonymous) this can take a form of straightforward and open bullying or it is disguised as micro-hostility, e.g. unintentional social exclusion. One of the most subtle and common forms of racism in Russia is jokes about northern indigenous peoples. Although these jokes are often considered to be light-hearted and fun by general public, it is constantly reproduced on all levels, from government officials and prominent public figures to academics and social media. Such attitudes towards people based on their ethnicity are normalised and not publicly denounced. Therefore, incidents of ethnic discrimination and chauvinism against indigenous youth often go unreported. Several of my Yukaghir, Chukchi, Evenki and Eveny interlocutors informed that complaints of ethnic/national discrimination can potentially turn against a young indigenous person reporting such an incident and may even lead to a jail time. It is also worth noting that indigenous youth from remote northern communities who have managed to get into university programs in the city tend to drop out of the university studies and leave the city for their native villages without finishing the university programs.

As in other parts of the Arctic including Alaska, Canada and Greenland indigenous young women are exposed to damaging stereotypes that are framed by externally imposed projections of gender aimed at reproduction of colonial patriarchy and systems of dominance (see Innes and Anderson 2015, Fast 2005, Williamson 2012). One of such stereotypes revolves around young women’s low socio-economic status and sexuality. Young indigenous women are often stereotyped as ‘promiscuous’ and ‘wild ones.’ As the result of such stereotypes they are more likely to be harassed and sexually assaulted. The widespread practice of blaming a victim for a sexual assault makes the situation only worse because violence against women is one of the most acute problems in Russia. Such practice has been due to the state policy that decriminalized domestic violence in February 2017. For example, a single ‘light’ battery assault that has not led to a serious injury (or life-threatening condition of a victim) is not persecuted and does not result in prison sentence. The assailant pays a fine for the aggravated assault only if it causes serious bodily harm. Only when the aggravated assault is repeated the assailant faces legal charges. Victims who ended up killing their assailants in self-defence have to face prison sentence regardless of their prior victimisation.  According to Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs in 2018 there were 21,390 registered cases of domestic violence against women. Study conducted by the Centre Against of Domestic Violence “Anna” (2020) showed that 70-90% of women suffering from domestic violence are unlikely to press charges due to the state policy that normalizes domestic violence.

The 2020 statistics published by the Centre provides the generic data for all women’s experiences of violence in Russia but does not indicate specifically the scale of violence for ethnic minorities including Siberian indigenous minorities. The vagueness of the provided information could be due to a potential threat of legal charges and prison sentences for fomenting inter-ethnic discord. Victims of domestic violence often do not have anyone to ask for help and no institution to appeal to. Therefore, many of the victims return to their violent homes. Most of the shelters for women that were funded by the state were closed in 2017 as a result of decriminalisation of domestic violence in Russia.

Currently, there are hardly any regions in Russia including Siberia where shelters for women are opened and could provide temporary accommodation and some protection from domestic violence and abuse. In Yakutia indigenous women constitute one of the most vulnerable sector of local population. If they are married into a family of a dominant ethnic group they tend to experience further Othering and isolation. This happens when their partner is not supportive of their ethnic background and does not stand up against stereotypes about indigenous people. If an indigenous woman is pregnant, she is more likely to be abandoned by a father of the child and will have to bear a burden of single motherhood due to the stereotypes around indigenous women’s sexuality. Generally, stereotypes about single mothers in mainland Russia have got a long history and have been informed by rigid constructs of gender identities and Russian patriarchal family. Single motherhood is viewed as a misfortune as it often entails poverty, marginalisation and alcohol abuse. Therefore, single mothers remain vulnerable as they have to face indifference and disapproval from their potential partners and their social surroundings. They are more likely to receive rejection when applying for jobs, and are often labelled as lazy and incompetent by state (social) workers. The impact of such stereotyping only amplifies if it is an indigenous woman. The lack of social support becomes one of the factor that leave women isolated and vulnerable. Those who are married to male partners from a dominant ethnic group are unable to invest in and maintain connections with their close family in remote rural areas. They remain economically dependent on their married partners and their social networks. Absence of financial, political, social and economic support means that young indigenous women are not protected from violence and all sorts of abuse.

Furthermore, the later factors and geographical remoteness of indigenous communities diminish a young person’s chances for getting into the university degree programs in the city and, thus, his or her prospects for gaining social mobility. Financial costs of studying at the university, transportation and accommodation costs remain unaffordable. Since the collapse of Soviet Union prices of essential goods in remote and isolated areas in Siberia have increased up to several hundred per cent but wages have not received any substantial boosts and now do not ever cover everyday living expenses. Indigenous youth remain invisible in any mainstream public spaces and media and are intentionally eliminated from such spaces. Positive indigenous role models for indigenous youth are prosecuted and eradicated from mainstream media and spaces, or even worse painted in the worst way possible by mainstream media. Negative stereotypes about indigenous peoples linked to racist discourses on alcoholism and primitivism reproduced by the Russian mainstream media have a negative impact on indigenous youth prospects and their overall well-being. Indigenous youth in Siberia are confronted with oppressive, chauvinistic discourses that do not allow them and their native communities to participate in decision-making and policy-shaping processes. For many indigenous youth their cultural heritage and indigenous identity are something that they can rely for emotional and moral support. However, without public, socio-economic and political support and protection the wall of public racism, societal hierarchy and social exclusion remains unbreakable for indigenous youth.

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